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I thought the biggest issue was the lack of runways. They could ban Aeromar, and that would probably give them an extra year.
Biggest issue is slots, not gates, so T2 utilization is not a factor.
It's very congested as it is, and the separation between runways is not enough to run parallel take-offs, landings. With the projected growth it's clear that Benito Juárez can't be the an effective main hub for much longer.
The issue is not the airport per se, it's the way it's been financed: Using worker's private retirement funds.
So the private sector nor the public sector didn't invest in this project, which BTW is already messed up, because the location chosen is not appropriate either.
And I wonder why do they want to build a new airport when the Terminal 2 is underutilized
The main source of funding is not the AFORES. Also, the payout is decent and low risk, it's a reasonable investment for the bonds section of any retirement fund. Read less La Jornada.
The location is perfectly fine and taken into account into the project's engineering. Again, read less La Jornada.
With the projected growth it's clear that Benito Juárez can't be the an effective main hub for much longer.
I think GDL has been trying to take some of the transfer load, but it seems like Mexican Airlines want to take advantage of the origin and destination traffic at Mexico City, while at the same time do their transfers there.
It seems difficult to imagine that VivaAerobus will survive.
I think GDL has been trying to take some of the transfer load, but it seems like Mexican Airlines want to take advantage of the origin and destination traffic at Mexico City, while at the same time do their transfers there.
It seems difficult to imagine that VivaAerobus will survive.
Viva needs to follow the Allegiant type model, doing flights to less well served airports. Many cities in northern Mexico with lousy overpriced service could be great feeders to the US market and connect to MEX or GDL to compete with the high prices of Aeromexico. Hermosillo, Durango, Torreon, SLP and Aguscalientes all seem good markets to fly direct into from the Southwest US, Texas and other US markets with a higher level of Mexican residents. Might be a bit seasonal, but could see a lot of family visit demand going both ways at the right price. Domestically, those locations are long bus ride away so plenty of opportunity to capture that traffic as well.
Viva needs to follow the Allegiant type model, doing flights to less well served airports. Many cities in northern Mexico with lousy overpriced service could be great feeders to the US market and connect to MEX or GDL to compete with the high prices of Aeromexico. Hermosillo, Durango, Torreon, SLP and Aguscalientes all seem good markets to fly direct into from the Southwest US, Texas and other US markets with a higher level of Mexican residents. Might be a bit seasonal, but could see a lot of family visit demand going both ways at the right price. Domestically, those locations are long bus ride away so plenty of opportunity to capture that traffic as well.
Indeed! That's actually how they started approaching the US market, with direct flights to Austin. All those airports you mention are ripe for disruption, only served by United and/or American from Houston or Dallas for ridiculously high prices.
I'm curious about something. This seemed the best place to ask.
I understand that a new Mexican President doesn't take office until 5 months after the election. Why so long and what does he do during those 5 months? Does he have any governmental role? In Canada the new prime minister and his cabinet are sworn into office about 2 weeks after the election.
I guess I'm asking because of NAFTA negotiations and I am wondering what the 5 month delay will mean to those negotiations.
A transition team is formed during those 5 months to prepare the office and policies of the new president, the new congress begins in September and the presidency in December.
Meanwhile, the outgoing president continues to administer the country but without significant changes.
The law has already been changed so that the presidency starts a few weeks after September but that will be in 2024.
I understand that a new Mexican President doesn't take office until 5 months after the election. Why so long and what does he do during those 5 months? Does he have any governmental role? In Canada the new prime minister and his cabinet are sworn into office about 2 weeks after the election.
The lame duck period for the American President was 4 months for 140 years.
From, 1793 until 1933, were held on March 4. The exception to this pattern was those years in which March 4 fell on a Sunday. When it did, the public inauguration ceremony would take place on Monday, March 5.
Inauguration Day moved to January 20, beginning in 1937, following ratification of the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution, where it has remained since.
There is an interesting quote from this article in NY Times. The next election, to be held in 1994, will take place on the first Wednesday in September, thus cutting in half the transition period.
For some reason it must have died.
Quote:
Originally Posted by NY Times
October 23, 1998
It is one of the peculiarities of Mexican politics that even though a single party has monopolized power since 1929, the transition from one administration to another that occurs every six years is a protracted and cumbersome process. Though President Miguel de la Madrid has already moved out of Los Pinos, the equivalent of the White House, Mexicans are once again wondering who is really running the country: the outgoing President, the President-elect, or both.
Like politicians everywhere, Mexican presidents are ''determined to hang on to every drop of power until they are walking out the door,'' a close associate of one former chief executive said recently. But the evolution of a system in which the sitting president, who has considerably more authority than his counterpart in the United States, handpicks a successor who is assured of victory and expects to enjoy the same perquisites when he comes to office, has turned the presidential transition into a very long goodbye. No Big Surprise
In fact, the transition is even more extended than the five months between election and inauguration. Mr. Salinas's 83 million countrymen have known that he would be the next occupant of Los Pinos from the moment the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, announced on Oct. 4, 1987, that he would be its candidate in the July 6 presidential election.
''For more than a year now, Mexico has had what amounts to two presidents,'' a diplomat here said. ''As power ebbs from Miguel de la Madrid, it flows to Carlos Salinas, but the process is uneven and does not appear to have fixed rules, so people have to be very attentive, reading all the signs and acting with caution until the picture is clear.''
Continue reading the main story
At the moment, the state and party bureaucracies are on hold, waiting for Mr. Salinas to choose his Cabinet and give some indication of what sort of policies he intends to follow. Despite the large crowds that gather daily outside Mr. Salinas's temporary headquarters on Cracovia Street in the capital, hoping for an audience with the President-elect, Mr. de la Madrid, as head of both the Government and the party, is not exactly a lame duck.
In his role as de facto party chief, Mr. de la Madrid not only had a hand in picking the PRI's Senate and Chamber of Deputies candidate slate in the July election. He also is said to have had a major, if not decisive, voice in the selection of candidates for state and municipal office who will take office only after his own term ends. The Edge to Salinas
Voters in the oil-producing state of Tabasco, for example, will go to the polls Nov. 9 to choose the man who will be their governor for the next six years. Ruling party officials say Mr. Salinas preferred Roberto Madrazo Pintado, one of his allies, as the party's candidate but that Mr. de la Madrid insisted on Salvador Neme Castillo, an old line politician not known to be sympathetic to Mr. Salinas's program of political modernization.
But in other respects the transition works to Mr. Salinas's advantage. It has become customary here for an outgoing president to assume responsibility for unpopular decisions taken during the transition period.
That appears to be the case in the Government's decision last week to order the start-up of the country's first nuclear reactor, at Laguna Verde on the Gulf of Mexico. The fate of the project, which has been ready for nearly a year, would have been passed on to Mr. Salinas had not Mr. de la Madrid ordered its operation now and shown a willingness to absorb the high political costs.
Similarly, aides to Mr. Salinas have told reporters here that the $3.5 billion bridge loan obtained from the United States this week, which has immediately become a political football, was an initiative of the de la Madrid administration and not of the President-elect. Diplomats, though, say the United States would never have agreed to tender the credit line unless they were certain Mr. Salinas also had specifically agreed to the terms. Overall, a Cordial Transition
Overall, Mr. Salinas and Mr. de la Madrid have had a more cordial working relationship than Mr. de la Madrid did with his predecessor, Jose Lopez Portillo. Earlier this month, the two men announced the formation of a joint group intended to assure what was called ''an orderly, harmonious and efficient transition.''
In contrast, when Mr. de la Madrid was President-elect six years ago, Mr. Lopez Portillo decided on his own to nationalize the Mexican banking system and reportedly informed his successor only hours before the measure was announced to the Mexican Congress. In his inaugural address, Mr. de la Madrid then blasted Mr. Lopez Portillo, who in 1976 had quarreled with his own predecessor over a last-minute land expropriation and currency devaluation, for leaving the country to him in a state of virtual economic chaos.
It is precisely because of such conflicts that Mexico has finally changed its Constitution to narrow the gap between the election of the president and his swearing in. The next election, to be held in 1994, will take place on the first Wednesday in September, thus cutting in half the transition period.
Nevertheless, one diplomat said, ''so long as the system is based on one party with two heads, uncertainties and tensions are inevitable. You can minimize such things, but it is the system itself that brings them into being.'.
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