This War Will Destabilize The Entire Mideast Region And Set Off A Global Shockwave Of Anti-Americanism vs. No It Won’t
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POINT/COUNTERPOINT
March 26, 2003
VOL 43 ISSUE 12
War · Iraq · Opinion
George W. Bush may think that a war against Iraq is the solution to our problems, but the reality is, it will only serve to create far more.
This war will not put an end to anti-Americanism; it will fan the flames of hatred even higher. It will not end the threat of weapons of mass destruction; it will make possible their further proliferation. And it will not lay the groundwork for the flourishing of democracy throughout the Mideast; it will harden the resolve of Arab states to drive out all Western (i.e. U.S.) influence.
If you thought Osama bin Laden was bad, just wait until the countless children who become orphaned by U.S. bombs in the coming weeks are all grown up. Do you think they will forget what country dropped the bombs that killed their parents? In 10 or 15 years, we will look back fondly on the days when there were only a few thousand Middle Easterners dedicated to destroying the U.S. and willing to die for the fundamentalist cause. From this war, a million bin Ladens will bloom.
They did, but this whole thing actually started in the middle East with an insane man that sought retribution for those who made fun of him in a town called Mecca.
They did, but this whole thing actually started in the middle East with an insane man that sought retribution for those who made fun of him in a town called Mecca.
afghanistan is part of the mid east, being right to the east of iran
iraq was training alq
the biggest mistake bush made is he should have kept his eye on the ball of afghanistan before going into iraq, or any other alq/isis/extremist sympathizing countries
Google bitter lake and watch the videos on Dailymotion it connects the dots. I tried to link it but does not seem to work.
Narrative[edit]
The film attempts to explain several complex and interconnected narratives. One of the narratives is how past governments, including Russia and the West, with their continued, largely failing, interventions in Afghanistan, keep repeating such failures, without properly understanding the country's cultural background or its past political history and societal structure.
It also outlines the US's alliance with Saudi Arabia, especially the former's agreement to buy Saudi oil, for control of a key energy supplier during the cold-war era, with Saudi Arabia gaining wealth and security in return, with agreement withstanding provided it was allowed to continue its violent and fundamentalist interpretation of Islam, Wahhabism, uninhibited from external influence. This in turn has fed like a feedback loop back into the many troubles the world faces with regards to various pseudo-Jihadic forces spanning the 1970s to present day; be they the Mujahideen, Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and into IS.
Curtis attributes the film as an attempt to add an "emotional" dimension to the context of the historical narrative in order to draw its audience in – hence it's over two hours in length and availability exclusively through the BBC iPlayer – in order to give the viewer something beyond the disconnected news reports they're usually fed from most traditional broadcast journalism, along with putting historical facts in a truer broader context.
Saudi Arabia's internal discord and tensions over ISIS can only be understood by grasping the inherent (and persisting) duality that lies at the core of the Kingdom's doctrinal makeup and its historical origins.
One dominant strand to the Saudi identity pertains directly to Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab (the founder of Wahhabism), and the use to which his radical, exclusionist puritanism was put by Ibn Saud. (The latter was then no more than a minor leader -- amongst many -- of continually sparring and raiding Bedouin tribes in the baking and desperately poor deserts of the Nejd.)
The second strand to this perplexing duality, relates precisely to King Abd-al Aziz's subsequent shift towards statehood in the 1920s: his curbing of Ikhwani violence (in order to have diplomatic standing as a nation-state with Britain and America); his institutionalization of the original Wahhabist impulse -- and the subsequent seizing of the opportunely surging petrodollar spigot in the 1970s, to channel the volatile Ikhwani current away from home towards export -- by diffusing a cultural revolution, rather than violent revolution throughout the Muslim world.
But this "cultural revolution" was no docile reformism. It was a revolution based on Abd al-Wahhab's Jacobin-like hatred for the putrescence and deviationism that he perceived all about him -- hence his call to purge Islam of all its heresies and idolatries.
Saudi Arabia's internal discord and tensions over ISIS can only be understood by grasping the inherent (and persisting) duality that lies at the core of the Kingdom's doctrinal makeup and its historical origins.
One dominant strand to the Saudi identity pertains directly to Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhab (the founder of Wahhabism), and the use to which his radical, exclusionist puritanism was put by Ibn Saud. (The latter was then no more than a minor leader -- amongst many -- of continually sparring and raiding Bedouin tribes in the baking and desperately poor deserts of the Nejd.)
The second strand to this perplexing duality, relates precisely to King Abd-al Aziz's subsequent shift towards statehood in the 1920s: his curbing of Ikhwani violence (in order to have diplomatic standing as a nation-state with Britain and America); his institutionalization of the original Wahhabist impulse -- and the subsequent seizing of the opportunely surging petrodollar spigot in the 1970s, to channel the volatile Ikhwani current away from home towards export -- by diffusing a cultural revolution, rather than violent revolution throughout the Muslim world.
But this "cultural revolution" was no docile reformism. It was a revolution based on Abd al-Wahhab's Jacobin-like hatred for the putrescence and deviationism that he perceived all about him -- hence his call to purge Islam of all its heresies and idolatries.
Some of the Muslim Arabs hate us? It sucks to be them, especially when doused with bacon grease they think they're going to Christian hell. LOL! I'll just keep eating my bacon from time to time and, call it good.
Some of the Muslim Arabs hate us? It sucks to be them, especially when doused with bacon grease they think they're going to Christian hell. LOL! I'll just keep eating my bacon from time to time and, call it good.
Smart fella, we should follow that advice fer sure........
The rich and wealth have lead every US President into war, since Eisenhower.... The greedy wealthy that use their money to get people elected and in power, for favors.... The greedy wealthy wanted their piece of the black gold. Resources make people do bad things to others.
The rich and wealth have lead every US President into war, since Eisenhower.... The greedy wealthy that use their money to get people elected and in power, for favors.... The greedy wealthy wanted their piece of the black gold. Resources make people do bad things to others.
The rich and connected do not throw their millions at a person running, just because they are popular with the people. They do it as an investment, to make them Billions.
Some are waking up to this, and the reason Donald Trump is so appealing to a percentage of the voting population. He is adamant about not being bought off, like all the others, for favors once in Office. Although, Donald does have his friends.....
Another, that lobbyist rarely knock on his door, because it never opens, that is running.... Ted Cruz.
The ultimate was Ron Paul.... We know what the media did to his appeal. Because the media is owned buy those expecting favors, for supporting and even lying to get their guy elected.
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